The “CIA” Alliance: Did LBJ and Allen Dulles Plot Against the Kennedy Dynasty?

The “CIA” Alliance: Did LBJ and Allen Dulles Plot Against the Kennedy Dynasty?

History tells us that the Warren Commission was a bipartisan effort to find the truth.

A panel of honorable men searching for the facts behind the murder of John F. Kennedy.

But what if the commission wasn’t an investigation, but a firewall?

What if the man appointed to lead the inquiry into the intelligence failures of the CIA was the very man John F. Kennedy had fired from the agency two years earlier?

There’s a shadow alliance that historians have whispered about for decades.

A pact formed in the dark drawing rooms of Georgetown and the back offices of the Senate.

It is a story of two titans who were humiliated, cast aside, and threatened with extinction by the Kennedy dynasty.

On one side, Lyndon Baines Johnson, the vice president facing political ruin and prison.

On the other, Alan Dulles, the legendary spy master who believed he was the true guardian of the American Republic.

Did these two men, united by a common enemy and a shared lust for power, collaborate to bury the truth of Dallas?

Today, we are exposing the CIA alliance.

We are opening the unredacted files on the relationship between the Great Society architect and the deep state director.

If you are ready to deconstruct the official narrative and look into the eyes of the men who actually ran Washington, please subscribe and like this video.

It helps us continue to excavate the buried history of the American century.

Now, let’s go back to 1961 to the moment the war between the Kennedys and the CIA truly began.

To understand the mechanics of the alliance between Lynden Johnson and Allen Dulles, we must first understand the profound psychological and political violence inflicted upon both men by the arrival of the Kennedy administration.

To the public, the transition of 1961 was a celebration of youth and vigor.

To the established power brokers of Washington, it was a hostile takeover.

The capital had been run for decades by a quiet coalition of southern Democrats in the Senate and Eastern Establishment patricians in the intelligence community and the State Department.

John F. Kennedy represented a threat to both.

He was an upstart, a man who bypassed the traditional hierarchies surrounded by a Irish mafia of aids who viewed the old guard with open contempt.

Alan Welsh Dulles was not merely a bureaucrat.

He was the personification of the cold war state with his pipe, his tweed suits, and his deceptively grandfatherly demeanor.

He had built the Central Intelligence Agency from a small coordinating body into a global leviathan capable of toppling governments from Iran to Guatemala.

Dulles viewed the CIA not as an arm of the executive branch subject to the whims of a temporary president, but as a permanent autonomous institution, a pritorian guard protecting the long-term interests of the American Empire.

He believed that presidents came and went, but the agency remained.

The collision between Dulles and Kennedy was inevitable.

It occurred less than three months into the new presidency on the beaches of the Bay of Pigs.

The failed invasion of Cuba was a catastrophe of biblical proportions for the CIA.

Dulles had assured Kennedy that the operation would spark a popular uprising against Castro.

He had lied or at least allowed his own hubris to blind him to the reality on the ground.

When the invasion crumbled, Kennedy was forced to take public responsibility for a humiliating defeat.

But in private, his rage was incandescent.

He realized he had been manipulated by the intelligence apparatus.

He famously told an aid he wanted to splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.

Kennedy did not just threaten, he acted.

He did the unthinkable.

He fired the legend.

Alan Dulles along with his top deputies Richard Bissell and Charles Cabell was forced to resign.

To Dulles, this was not just a career setback.

It was a profound insult to his family’s legacy and his own conception of patriotism.

He was the brother of a secretary of state, a man who had dined with kings and shaped the postwar world.

Now he was being discarded by a 43-year-old playboy whom he viewed as dangerously inexperienced.

Dulles did not retire to the countryside to write his memoirs.

He retreated to his home in Georgetown, which effectively became a government in exile.

He maintained his security clearance.

He kept his network of loyalists inside the agency.

Men like Richard Helms and James Angleton, who continued to feed him information and seek his counsel.

He sat in his study, smoking his pipe, watching the Kennedy brothers dismantle the covert empire he had built and waiting for the tide to turn.

While Dulles was stewing in Georgetown, another Titan was suffocating in the executive office building.

Lyndon Baines Johnson, the former master of the Senate, the man who had known where every body was buried on Capitol Hill for 20 years, was now the vice president.

In the Kennedy White House, this was a position of ceremonial impetence.

The Kennedy inner circle, men like Bobby Kennedy, Kenny O’Donnell, and Arthur Slesinger treated Johnson with a mixture of pity and disdain.

They mocked his Texas draw, his coarse manners, and his need for reassurance.

They called him Uncle Cornpone behind his back and sometimes to his face.

For a man of Johnson’s gargantuan ego and appetite for power, this was a living hell.

He had traded the gavl of the Senate majority leader for a role that involved cutting ribbons and attending the funerals of foreign dignitaries.

But the situation was far more dangerous than mere humiliation.

By late 1963, Johnson was facing political extinction.

The scandals we have discussed in previous investigations, the Bobby Baker affair and the Billy Solstice fraud were closing in.

Robert Kennedy, the attorney general, was using the Justice Department to systematically dismantle Johnson’s power base.

There were credible rumors supported by Evelyn Lincoln, JFK Secretary, [snorts] that the president was planning to drop Johnson from the 1964 ticket.

For Johnson, the equation was simple and terrifying.

If he was dropped from the ticket, he would lose his immunity.

The investigations would proceed.

He would not just be retired.

He would be indicted.

He would end his life in disgrace, perhaps in a prison cell, his legacy erased.

It is in this atmosphere of existential dread that the interests of Lynden Johnson and Alan Dulles converged.

They were very different men.

Dulles the Princeton aristocrat.

Johnson the Texas brawler.

But they shared a common enemy.

They both viewed the Kennedy brothers as reckless interlopers who were destabilizing the system.

They both felt that the new frontier was soft on communism, dangerous to the national security state, and personally vindictive.

There is no record of a smoke fil room where Johnson and Dulles sat down and plotted murder.

That is not how the deep state operates.

It operates on shared interests, unspoken understandings, and the alignment of forces.

But the connection between the two men was real.

Johnson had always been a hawk, a supporter of the military-industrial complex that Dulles helped construct.

During his time in a Senate, Johnson had been a reliable ally of the CIA, ensuring their black budget remained hidden from public scrutiny.

He knew Dulles.

He respected Dulles’s power and he knew that Dulles controlled the secrets that kept Washington running.

The catalyst for their active collaboration was the assassination itselF. When the shots were fired in Dallas, the world changed instantly.

Johnson was thrust into the presidency.

His first priority was survival.

Not just physical survival, but political survival.

He needed to secure his legitimacy.

He needed to prevent a nuclear war if the Soviets or Cubans were blamed.

And he needed to ensure that the investigation into the murder did not pull on threads that might lead back to the dark operations of the American government.

Operations like the CIA’s attempts to assassinate Castro, or the connections between the intelligence agencies and the mafia.

Johnson knew that a truly independent investigation, or worse, a reckless investigation by the Texas authorities or a congressional committee, could expose the family jewels of the CIA.

It could reveal the plots to kill foreign leaders, the secret wars in Southeast Asia, and the domestic surveillance programs.

Such revelations would destroy faith in the government, and perhaps trigger World War II.

He needed a lid.

He needed a fix.

This is where the CIA Alliance became operational.

Johnson decided to form a presidential commission to investigate the assassination.

It was a master stroke of political containment.

By creating a federal commission, he could preempt any state or congressional inquiries.

But the key to the commission was its membership.

Johnson needed men who could be trusted to steer the investigation away from the dangerous truths and toward a safe conclusion.

He needed the establishment.

When compiling the list of members for what would become the Warren Commission, one name stood out as a bizarre anomaly.

Johnson appointed Alan Dulles.

Consider the implications of this choice.

Johnson appointed the man whom the victim, John F. Kennedy, had fired for incompetence and deception.

He appointed the former head of the agency that was the prime suspect in the eyes of many foreign observers.

It was the equivalent of appointing a fox to investigate a raid on a hen house.

Why would Johnson do this?

And why would Dulles accept?

The answer lies in the concept of the gatekeeper.

Johnson didn’t appoint Dulles to find the truth.

He appointed him to hide it.

He knew that the investigation would inevitably require access to CIA files.

It would involve looking into Lee Harvey Oswald’s background, his defection to Russia, his activities in New Orleans, and his murky connections to intelligence assets.

Who better to navigate this minefield than the man who built the minefield?

Dulles was not a passive member of the Warren Commission.

He was its most active participant.

While the chief justice Earl Warren was often absent or disinterested and the other senators and congressmen were busy with their legislative duties, Alan Dulles was there.

He read every memo.

He interviewed the witnesses.

He shaped the narrative.

But most importantly, he controlled the flow of information between the commission and the CIA.

When the commission asked for information about Oswald’s potential ties to the agency, the request went to the CIA.

The CIA’s response was crafted by counter intelligence chief James Angelton, a Dulles loyalist.

The response was then fed back to the commission where it was received and interpreted by Alan Dulles.

It was a closed loop.

The CIA was investigating itself with its former director acting as a judge.

The alliance was transactional.

Johnson gave Dulles a chance to rewrite his legacy to restore his standing in the establishment and to protect the agency he loved from being torn apart by a scandal that linked it to the president’s death.

In exchange, Dulles gave Johnson a clean verdict.

He delivered the lone nut theory.

He ensured that the investigation did not look at the Bobby Baker scandal, did not look at the mafia connections, and did not look at the rogue elements of the CIA that hated Kennedy.

He gave Johnson the one thing he needed most, legitimacy.

But the roots of this alliance go deeper than the postass assassination cover up.

There is evidence that Johnson and the intelligence community were aligned in their opposition to Kennedy’s policy shifts.

In 1963, Kennedy was moving toward a withdrawal from Vietnam, NSEM263.

He was pursuing Daytona with the Soviet Union.

He was cracking down on the CIA’s paramilitary operations.

Johnson, by contrast, was viewed by the military and intelligence ackist, a man who understood the necessity of American power.

The deep state, the permanent government of generals and spies, saw Johnson as their savior from the dangerous idealism of the Kennedys.

Did Alan Dulles and LBJ actively plot the death of JFK?

The smoking gun of assigned order does not exist.

But the behavior of both men in the immediate aftermath suggests a level of coordination that transcends coincidence.

They moved in lock step to shut down inquiry, to silence rumors, and to cement a narrative that exonerated the state apparatus.

They acted like partners in a crime scene cleanup.

In the next part of this documentary, we will take a magnifying glass to the workings of the Warren Commission itselF. We will examine the specific instances where Alan Dulles suppressed evidence, evidence regarding Oswald’s relationship with the FBI and the CIA.

We will look at the secret meetings between Johnson and Dulles at the LBJ ranch.

And we will explore the terrifying possibility that the lone gunman theory was not a conclusion reached by evidence, but a cover story constructed by the two men who had the most to gain from the death of John F. Kennedy.

The Warren Commission is often remembered by history as a panel of seven distinguished men led by the Chief Justice of the United States, Earl Warren.

But in the day-to-day reality of 1964, it was essentially a committee of one.

Earl Warren was busy running the Supreme Court.

He led his name and his prestige, but not his time.

Senators Richard Russell and John Sherman Cooper were consumed by their legislative duties.

Representative Gerald Ford was busy climbing the ladder of the House GOP.

The banker John Mcclo was often traveling.

There was only one member of the commission who had no day job, no schedule conflicts, and an obsessive interest in the minuti of the investigation.

That man was Alan Dulles.

Dulles, the retired spy master, threw himself into the work with a zeal that unnerved some of the staff lawyers.

He was the most frequent attendee of the hearings.

He read every file.

He courted the young councils, taking them to dinner at the best clubs in Washington, regailing them with war stories, and subtly guiding their lines of inquiry.

He was not acting as an investigator.

He was acting as a handler.

His objective was to ensure that the probe remained focused entirely on the micro details of Lee Harvey Oswald’s life, his marriage, his rifle, his temper, and never strayed into the macro world of intelligence operations where Oswald had actually lived.

The true test of the CIA alliance came in January 1964 when a terrifying rumor reached the commission.

Wagner Carr, the attorney general of Texas, contacted the commission’s general counsel, Jay Lee Rankin, with explosive information.

Sources in Texas law enforcement claimed that Lee Harvey Oswald had been a paid informant for the FBI since September 1962.

They even had his alleged informant number, S1 179.

He was reportedly being paid $200 a month.

This revelation threatened to blow the entire lone nut narrative apart before it could even be constructed.

If Oswald was on the federal peril, then the government was complicit in the assassination.

It would mean the FBI had been running the man who killed the president.

The panic within the commission was palpable.

They called an emergency closed door executive session.

The transcript of this meeting, which was classified top secret for years, reveals Alan Dulles at his most manipulative.

While the other commissioners were ringing their hands, debating whether to ask Jay Edgar Hoover for the truth, Dulles stepped in to steer the ship away from the rocks.

He calmly explained to his colleagues that asking Hoover was pointless.

If the rumor was false, Hoover would deny it.

If the rumor was true, Dulles argued Hoover would still deny it because no intelligence chief would ever admit to running an agent who had committed such a crime.

Therefore, Dulles reasoned there was no point in investigating it deeply because the answer would be the same either way.

It was a dizzying display of circular logic designed to protect the intelligence community.

Dulles effectively convinced the commission that the truth was unknowable and therefore for the good of a country they should assume the FBI was innocent.

The investigation into Oswald’s FBI connection was neutered, reduced to a polite letter to Hoover, who predictably issued a denial.

But Dulles was protecting more than just his rival agency, the FBI.

He was protecting the CIA’s own deep entanglement with the accused assassin.

The most dangerous rabbit hole for the commission was Oswald’s trip to Mexico City in late September 1963, just weeks before the assassination.

According to the official story, Oswald went to the Cuban and Soviet embassies trying to get a visa to return to Russia via Havana.

He allegedly made a scene, brandished a pistol, and met with Valerie Costikov, a KGB officer known to be in charge of what affairs assassinations.

The CIA station in Mexico City was one of the most heavily surveiled places on Earth.

The agency had pulse cameras photographing everyone entering and exiting the embassies.

They had wiretaps on the phone lines.

If Oswald was there, the CIA had pictures and recordings of him.

But when a commission asked for this evidence, the CIA produced something bizarre.

A photograph of a heavy set middle-aged man who looked nothing like Lee Harvey Oswald.

They claimed the audio tapes had been routinely destroyed or lost.

Alan Dulles knew exactly how the Mexico City station worked.

He knew that the station chief, Winston Scott, was a pack rat who never destroyed anything.

He knew that the surveillance was total.

The failure to produce a photo of Oswald suggested one of two things.

Either Oswald was never there and an impostor was using his name to set up a legend or he was there and he was meeting with people the CIA could not afford to be associated with perhaps CIA assets themselves.

Dulles ran interference.

He acted as the bridge between the commission and the CIA’s counter inelligence chief James Angleton.

Whenever the commission staff got too close to the Mexico City mystery, Dulles would intervene, citing sources and methods.

He invoked the holy grail of national security to shroud the investigation in darkness.

He persuaded the other commissioners that pressing the CIA for the tapes would endanger American spies abroad.

The commission backed down.

The Mexico City chapter of the Warren report was sanitized, glossing over the impostor and the missing tapes.

Dulles had successfully built a firewall around the agency’s operations.

While Dulles was managing the cover up from within the hearing room, Lyndon Johnson was managing the political pressure from the Oval Office.

Johnson was obsessed with the timeline.

He wanted the report on his desk before the 1964 election.

He did not want an open-ended inquisition that might spill over into November.

He bullied Earl Warren relentlessly.

He told Warren that if the rumors of a foreign conspiracy specifically involving Castro or Kruev were not quashed, it could lead to a nuclear war that would kill 40 million Americans.

He placed the weight of the world on the chief justice’s shoulders.

You have to save the country, Johnson told him.

This was the genius of the LBJ Dulles Penser movement.

Johnson provided the pressure.

We must find that Oswald acted alone to prevent World War II.

Dulles provided the method.

We must ignore the intelligence connections to protect national security.

They trapped the other commissioners in a moral dilemma where the truth became dangerous and the lie became patriotic.

The alliance was also evident in what the commission didn’t look at.

They didn’t look at the Chicago plot where a similar assassination attempt had been foiled weeks earlier.

They didn’t look at the Chicago huna.

The CIA mafia hit squads that were trying to kill Castro.

Operations that Dulles had originally authorized and that Bobby Kennedy was trying to shut down.

To look at these plots would be to admit that the US government was in the business of assassination, creating a blowback scenario where JFK was killed in retaliation.

Dulles knew where the skeletons were because he had buried them.

He ensured the commission never brought a shovel to those graveyards.

By the summer of 1964, the lone nut theory was running into trouble.

The physics didn’t work.

The Zapruder film showed the president reacting to a shot from a front, and the timing of the bolt-action rifle made it impossible for Oswald to have fired all the shots alone in the time allotted.

The commission was facing the prospect of a second gunman.

If there was a second gunman, there was a conspiracy.

If there was a conspiracy, Johnson’s mandate for a clean verdict would be violated.

Enter the single bullet theory concocted by staff lawyer Arl Inspector but shepherded through by the senior leadership.

This theory that one bullet caused seven wounds in two men shattering bone and remaining pristine was a magical thinking necessity.

It was the only way to align the evidence with the political requirement that Oswald acted alone.

Dulles supported it wholeheartedly.

He wasn’t interested in ballistics.

He was interested in the conclusion.

He lobbied the other commissioners, playing on their desire to present a united front to the American people.

He turned the final vote on the report into a test of loyalty to the presidency.

When the Warren report was finally released in September 1964, it was a massive 888page document that looked exhaustive, but was in reality a prosecutor’s brief against Oswald.

It exonerated the Secret Service, the FBI, and the CIA of any complicity.

It declared that no conspiracy existed.

It was the document Lynden Johnson needed to win the 1964 election by a [clears throat] landslide.

It was the document Alan Dulles needed to restore the reputation of the intelligence community.

Dulles had successfully used his position to investigate his own firing and clear his own agency.

In a private conversation after the report was released, he reportedly said to a friend regarding the public skepticism, “The American people don’t read.”

He was counting on the sheer volume of the report to hide its inconsistencies.

But the alliance had a price.

By suppressing the truth, by ignoring the witnesses who saw smoke on the grassy null, by burying the medical evidence that contradicted the official story, LBJ and Dulles planted a seed of distrust that would grow into a jungle of paranoia.

They saved the establishment in 1964, but they destroyed the credibility of the government for generations to come.

There is a final chilling koda to the Dulles involvement.

During the commission hearings, Dulles often brought a book with him to read during the boring parts.

It was not a law book.

It was a book about the history of presidential assassinations.

He was studying the subject with the detachment of a scholar or perhaps with the satisfaction of an architect admiring his blueprint.

In a final part of our documentary, we will examine the unraveling of the alliance.

We will look at the Garrison investigation in the late60s which finally began to tug at the threads Dulles had woven.

We will explore the Church Committee revelations of the 1970s which proved that Dulles had lied to the Warren Commission about the CIA mafia plots.

And we will answer the ultimate question.

Did Lyndon Johnson eventually realize that he too had been a pawn in a larger game played by the intelligence agencies he thought he controlled?

The Warren Report was supposed to be the final word, a heavy leatherbound book that would close the door on the nightmare of Dallas.

For a few years, it seemed to work.

Lyndon Johnson won his landslide victory in 1964, and Alan Dulles retired to the comfort of his study.

Revered as a statesman who had guided the nation through a crisis, they believed they had successfully paved over the cracks in the American Foundation.

But secrets of this magnitude have a half-life.

They decay, they leak, and eventually they poison the ground around them.

The alliance between the president and the spy master was built on the suppression of truth.

And as the 1960s spiraled into chaos, into the riots, the assassinations of Martin Luther King and Bobby Kennedy, and the quagmire of Vietnam, the seal began to break.

In this final chapter, we expose the unraveling of the CIA alliance.

We will look at how the CIA launched a covert media war to destroy the first man brave enough to challenge the Warren report in court.

We will hear the deathbed confessions of Lynden Johnson who eventually came to believe that the very agency he protected had been running a murder incorporated out of the Caribbean.

And we will answer the haunting question.

Did the men who conspired to save the system ultimately destroy the American soul?

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The truth is the only currency that matters.

Now, let’s witness the collapse of the cover up.

By 1967, the consensus that Lynden Johnson and Alan Dulles had so carefully constructed was under siege.

The challenger came not from Washington, but from New Orleans.

District Attorney Jim Garrison had begun an investigation into the activities of Lee Harvey Oswald in Louisiana during the summer of 1963.

Garrison was a flawed man, flamboyant, sometimes reckless, but he had stumbled upon the very threads that Dulles had tried to cut.

Garrison found evidence of Oswald’s connections to anti-Castro extremists, to CIA assets like David Ferry, and to the shadowy world of intelligence front companies.

He wasn’t looking for a lone nut.

He was looking for a network.

This investigation terrified the establishment.

For the first time, a prosecutor with subpoena power was asking questions about the CIA’s role in the assassination.

The reaction from Langley was immediate and vicious.

We now know, thanks to declassified documents, that the CIA did not sit idly by.

They launched a covert operation to destroy Garrison’s reputation.

This was not a passive defense.

It was an offensive information war.

The CIA issued a memo countering criticism of the Warren report which instructed station chiefs and media assets on how to discredit conspiracy theorists.

They coined the term conspiracy theory in a porative sense to weaponize it against skeptics.

Alan Dulles, though retired, was watching closely.

He was in contact with his former colleagues monitoring the trial from afar.

He knew that if Garrison succeeded in proving a conspiracy, any conspiracy, the dominoes would fall all the way back to the Warren Commission’s deliberate omissions.

The alliance held firm.

The media, fed by intelligent sources, painted Garrison as a lunatic.

The witnesses were intimidated or vanished.

The trial of Klay Shaw, the only trial ever brought for the murder of JFK, ended in a quiddle.

The firewall held, but the cracks were now visible to the public.

However, the true unraveling of the Dulles Johnson pact did not happen in a courtroom.

It happened in the conscience of the nation and eventually in the halls of Congress.

In the mid 1970s, after both Johnson and Dulles were dead, the United States Senate formed the Church Committee to investigate intelligence abuses.

What they found shattered the reputation of Alan Dulles forever.

The Church Committee discovered the family jewels, the CIA’s secret record of illegal operations.

Most damningly, they uncovered the CIA mafia plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.

These were operations that had been running in 1963 involving the very same underworld figures who appeared in the periphery of the JFK investigation.

The committee realized a horrifying truth.

Alan Dulles had known about these plots while he sat on the Warren Commission.

He had questioned witnesses, reviewed files, and steered the investigation, all while holding the secret that the CIA was in the business of killing heads estate.

Dulles had committed a crime against history.

By withholding this information from his fellow commissioners, specifically Earl Warren, he had denied them the context necessary to understand the crime.

If the CIA was trying to kill Castro and Oswald was a pro-castro activist or posing as one, the assassination could have been blowback or a false flag operation designed to look like blowback.

Dulles knew this.

He knew that revealing the plots would implicate the agency.

So, he lied by omission.

He perjured himself through silence.

He sacrificed the truth of the president’s murder to protect the integrity of the CIA’s covert operations.

But what of Lyndon Johnson?

How did the man who benefited most from the alliance fare in the end?

The tragedy of LBJ is that he eventually realized he was not the master of the game, but a pawn.

In the final years of his life, retired to his ranch in Texas, watching his legacy be consumed by the failure of Vietnam.

Johnson began to talk.

The man who had bullied Earl Warren into finding no conspiracy began to admit that he didn’t believe the Warren report himselF. In a famous interview with Walter Kronite in 1969, Johnson requested that the footage be sealed until after his death.

In it, he admitted he wasn’t sure Oswald acted alone.

He speculated that international forces were involved.

But his most chilling confession came in a conversation with Leo Yanos of the Atlantic.

Shortly before he died in 1973, Johnson, the man who had partnered with Dulles to bury the truth, finally looked into the abyss.

“I never believed that Oswald acted alone, although I can accept that he pulled the trigger,” Johnson said.

He then went further, implicating the very forces Dulles represented.

“We have been operating a damned murder incorporated in the Caribbean,” Johnson admitted, referring to the CIA’s assassination squads.

He realized too late that the violence the US government had exported had finally come home to roost.

Johnson’s psychological evolution is the [snorts] final proof of the CIA alliance’s toxic nature.

In 1963, Johnson thought he was using Dulles to secure his presidency and prevent World War II.

By 1973, he realized that Dulles and the intelligence community had used him.

They had used his fear and his ambition to secure their own autonomy, to bury their secrets, and to ensure that no president would ever again threaten to splinter them into a thousand pieces.

Johnson died a haunted man, creating the Great Society with one hand while covering up a coup diet with the other.

The legacy of this alliance is the modern American trust deficit.

The Warren Commission report intended to settle the dust instead became the foundation of modern cynicism.

By prioritizing the protection of institutions over the pursuit of justice, Johnson and Dulles taught the American people that their government would lie to them about the most fundamental events.

They created a deep state, not in theory, but in practice, a permanent government that could outlast and outmaneuver the elected one.

Alan Dulles died in 1969.

He has an international airport named after him in Washington D.

C.

Lynden Johnson died in 1973.

He has a space center named after him in Texas.

John F. Kennedy lies beneath an eternal flame in Arlington.

The three men are bound together forever in a triangle of power, death, and deception.

So, did they plot the assassination?

The evidence suggests they didn’t need to.

They simply needed to agree in the seconds after the gunshots that the truth was too dangerous to survive.

They didn’t pull the trigger, but they poured the concrete over the crime scene.

They were the architects of the silence.

And in that silence, the American Republic changed from a government of the people to a government of the clearance level.

This concludes our investigation into the CIA alliance.

The files are declassified.

The witnesses are gone, but the question remains, can a nation be built?

Thank you for watching this three-part documentary series.

The relationship between LBJ and the intelligence community is the key to understanding the 1960s.

If you believe this history deserves to be known, please share this video and subscribe to the channel.

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